Les sites web de journalisme dit participatif en quête de normes identitaires communes ?
Résumé
Are journalistic websites called participative in search of common identical standards ?
Since the apparition of the social web, collaborative and participative dimensions have become constituent of news on line. Today, a journalistic website has neither credit nor influence of any sort without a space proper to readers. The expansion of recent news websites qualified as " pure players " such as Agoravox, Rue 89, Mediapart, Owni, Slate or LePost whose editorial lines are quite justly based on this participative aspect brings along the rupture of the journalists' monopole over the production of the media news. These medias are characterized by a similar presentation as a traditional written media on line, whereas they are different as to their functioning and positioning. They are based on news jointly held by passionate net sulfurs, common witnesses of events, experts but equally professional journalists. Moreover, they want themselves to be independent medias, free and transparent and claim therefore to mark themselves out of traditional medias. The on-line papers have recently appeared and seem heading toward the construction of an identity summoning common standards around the participative information. A certain convergence is to be noted about all the journalistic websites called participative, equally in their visuality, their layout, their architecture or their use of social network. The web users seem to share this homogenized feeling. Some users, interviewed concerning a doctoral research, consider themselves unable to make the definition of a journalistic website called participative but know how to recognize them surfing on the web. Let's not forget that these medias have all a national french version, accompanied, in most cases, by a declination of foreign versions (Quebec for Rue 89, Italian and English for Agoravox), local news (Marseillais for Agoravox) or thematic (Eco 89, NatureVox or CareVox). The national version type is rethought for each declination and there are no differences underlined, from one version to the other, as to the layout, suggested activities or the organization of the pages. We therefore suggest in the context of this communication to study standards and values of these socio-technical arrangements. We'll analyze stipulated uses by these journalistic websites called participative : Agoravox, Rue 89 and Mediapart. It is assumed that some actions by these websites are made compulsory, some others impossible or require to be done in a special way. The structure of these websites involves a certain number of constraints guiding users' activities. We aim to analyze the practices stated by these websites following from different operational propositions, their importance and their recurrence. In other words, we're trying to bring to light the affordances of the meanings (Gibson, 1977) of these socio-technical devices we're centering around, on the one hand "€the virtuality of the user€" (Bardini, 1966), which means representations made by the designer in the way of device affordances, on the other hand, "€the virtuality of the designer " (ibid), which means the barriers the user encounters on his way precisely traced out by these affordances, let's say limits and possibilities of the manipulation perceived through the technical object design. We're trying to make the implicit dialogue clear between designers and users detailing this coordination, this adjustment among the virtual members. Besides, we're suggesting to analyze stipulated uses explicitly showed by journalistic websites called participative (stay informed on this site, for example) for instance like those implicitly induced by the website through their operational propositions. The explicit forms of stated uses are clearly apparent ; they can be found in the notice or in the charter published directly on the websites. Nevertheless, how is it possible to collect the stipulated uses taking an implicit form ? We wondered on the proper methods to analyze the data improper to use for a member but to the device. We suggest a quantitative method inspired by the situational semiotic method developed by Alex Mucchielli (2005). This qualitative method allows us to formalize practices stated by these websites still keeping the complexity of the studied phenomena (Morin, 1990) and thus not to lessen the meaning to reductive explanations. In order to limit our interpretations of involved researchers, we're taking support on a grid allowing catching the different meanings arising to the member in situation, dividing the observations on different situational levels at the same time. We're putting forward the analysis of Rue 89, Mediapart and Agoravox to bring to light the standards and values shared by the three newspapers on line making sure to bring out their differences at the same time. We're showing for instance that Agoravox incites the reader among other things, to communicate about the website community whereas Rue 89 suggests its contributors to favor the visibility of sharing paying activities. This communication aims eventually to enlighten the reader about the normative processes engaged in the construction of a mutual culture and identity among all the journalistic webs called participative.
Since the apparition of the social web, collaborative and participative dimensions have become constituent of news on line. Today, a journalistic website has neither credit nor influence of any sort without a space proper to readers. The expansion of recent news websites qualified as " pure players " such as Agoravox, Rue 89, Mediapart, Owni, Slate or LePost whose editorial lines are quite justly based on this participative aspect brings along the rupture of the journalists' monopole over the production of the media news. These medias are characterized by a similar presentation as a traditional written media on line, whereas they are different as to their functioning and positioning. They are based on news jointly held by passionate net sulfurs, common witnesses of events, experts but equally professional journalists. Moreover, they want themselves to be independent medias, free and transparent and claim therefore to mark themselves out of traditional medias. The on-line papers have recently appeared and seem heading toward the construction of an identity summoning common standards around the participative information. A certain convergence is to be noted about all the journalistic websites called participative, equally in their visuality, their layout, their architecture or their use of social network. The web users seem to share this homogenized feeling. Some users, interviewed concerning a doctoral research, consider themselves unable to make the definition of a journalistic website called participative but know how to recognize them surfing on the web. Let's not forget that these medias have all a national french version, accompanied, in most cases, by a declination of foreign versions (Quebec for Rue 89, Italian and English for Agoravox), local news (Marseillais for Agoravox) or thematic (Eco 89, NatureVox or CareVox). The national version type is rethought for each declination and there are no differences underlined, from one version to the other, as to the layout, suggested activities or the organization of the pages. We therefore suggest in the context of this communication to study standards and values of these socio-technical arrangements. We'll analyze stipulated uses by these journalistic websites called participative : Agoravox, Rue 89 and Mediapart. It is assumed that some actions by these websites are made compulsory, some others impossible or require to be done in a special way. The structure of these websites involves a certain number of constraints guiding users' activities. We aim to analyze the practices stated by these websites following from different operational propositions, their importance and their recurrence. In other words, we're trying to bring to light the affordances of the meanings (Gibson, 1977) of these socio-technical devices we're centering around, on the one hand "€the virtuality of the user€" (Bardini, 1966), which means representations made by the designer in the way of device affordances, on the other hand, "€the virtuality of the designer " (ibid), which means the barriers the user encounters on his way precisely traced out by these affordances, let's say limits and possibilities of the manipulation perceived through the technical object design. We're trying to make the implicit dialogue clear between designers and users detailing this coordination, this adjustment among the virtual members. Besides, we're suggesting to analyze stipulated uses explicitly showed by journalistic websites called participative (stay informed on this site, for example) for instance like those implicitly induced by the website through their operational propositions. The explicit forms of stated uses are clearly apparent ; they can be found in the notice or in the charter published directly on the websites. Nevertheless, how is it possible to collect the stipulated uses taking an implicit form ? We wondered on the proper methods to analyze the data improper to use for a member but to the device. We suggest a quantitative method inspired by the situational semiotic method developed by Alex Mucchielli (2005). This qualitative method allows us to formalize practices stated by these websites still keeping the complexity of the studied phenomena (Morin, 1990) and thus not to lessen the meaning to reductive explanations. In order to limit our interpretations of involved researchers, we're taking support on a grid allowing catching the different meanings arising to the member in situation, dividing the observations on different situational levels at the same time. We're putting forward the analysis of Rue 89, Mediapart and Agoravox to bring to light the standards and values shared by the three newspapers on line making sure to bring out their differences at the same time. We're showing for instance that Agoravox incites the reader among other things, to communicate about the website community whereas Rue 89 suggests its contributors to favor the visibility of sharing paying activities. This communication aims eventually to enlighten the reader about the normative processes engaged in the construction of a mutual culture and identity among all the journalistic webs called participative.
Depuis l'émergence du web social, les dimensions collaboratives et participatives sont devenues constitutives de l'actualité en ligne. À l'heure actuelle, un site web de journalisme ne semble plus pouvoir être crédible ni influent sans l'ouverture d'un espace réservé aux lecteurs. Cette rupture du monopole des journalistes sur la production de l'information médiatique s'accompagne de l'essor de nouveaux sites web d'informations qualifiés de " pure players ", tels qu'Agoravox, Rue89, Mediapart, Owni ou encore Slate ou LePost qui fondent justement leur ligne éditoriale sur cet aspect participatif. Ces médias se caractérisent par une présentation similaire à celle d'un journal de presse écrite traditionnelle en ligne, mais sont finalement différents par leur fonctionnement et leur positionnement. Ils reposent sur la co-production d'informations entre des internautes passionnés d'actualité, des citoyens témoins d'évènements, des experts mais aussi des journalistes professionnels. Par ailleurs, ils se définissent comme des médias indépendants, libres et transparents et prétendent ainsi se distinguer des médias traditionnels. L'apparition de ces journaux en ligne est récente et ces derniers semblent en phase de construction d'une identité en convoquant des normes communes autour de la culture de l'information participative. Nous notons d'ailleurs une certaine convergence entre tous les sites web de journalisme dit participatif tout autant dans leur visuel, leur mise en page, leur architecture ou encore leur utilisation des réseaux sociaux. Ce sentiment d'homogénéité semble partagé par les internautes. Certains usagers, interviewés dans le cadre d'une recherche doctorale, affirment être incapables de définir les caractéristiques d'un site web de journalisme dit participatif mais savent par contre les reconnaitre au détour de leur navigation sur le web. Notons également que ces journaux disposent tous d'une version nationale française, accompagnée pour une grande partie par une déclinaison de versions étrangères (québécoise pour Rue89, italienne et anglaise pour Agoravox), locales (marseillaise pour Agoravox) ou encore thématiques (Eco89, NaturaVox ou CareVox). Le modèle de la version nationale est reproduit pour chaque déclinaison et nous constatons que la mise en page, les activités proposées ou encore l'organisation des pages ne différent pas d'une version à l'autre. La standardisation visuelle, organisationnelle et communicationnelle de ces sites web semble s'accompagner d'une harmonisation culturelle. Nous proposons donc dans le cadre de cette communication d'étudier les normes et valeurs de ces dispositifs socio-techniques. Nous analyserons les usages prescrits par trois sites web de journalisme dit participatif : Agoravox, Rue89 et Mediapart. Nous partons du principe que ces sites web rendent certaines actions obligatoires, d'autres impossibles ou imposent de les faire d'une certaine manière. La structure de ces sites web incorpore un certain nombre de contraintes qui guident les activités des usagers. L'objectif est d'analyser les pratiques prescrites par ces sites web qui découlent des différentes propositions d'actions, leur importance et leur récurrence. En d'autres termes, nous cherchons à mettre en évidence les affordances de sens (Gibson, 1977) de ces dispositifs sociotechniques. Nous articulons, d'un côté, la " virtualité de l'usager " (Bardini, 1996), c'est à dire les représentations que le concepteur se fait de l'usager potentiel et qu'il traduit en affordances dans le dispositif et de l'autre côté " la virtualité du concepteur " (ibid), c'est à dire les frontières que l'usager rencontre dans son usage et qui sont tracées précisément par ces affordances, soit les limites et possibilités de maniement perçues à travers le design de l'objet technique. Nous cherchons à comprendre ce dialogue implicite entre concepteurs et usagers en détaillant cette coordination, cet ajustement entre les acteurs virtuels. Par ailleurs, nous proposons d'analyser les usages prescrits affichés explicitement par les sites web de journalisme dit participatif (" ce site vous permet de vous informer " par exemple) comme ceux qui sont induits implicitement par le site web au travers de ses propositions d'action. Les formes explicites d'usages prescrits sont nettement apparentes ; elles figurent dans le mode d'emploi ou dans les chartes publiées directement sur les sites web. Cependant, comment recueillir les usages prescrits qui prennent une forme implicite ? Nous nous sommes alors interrogées sur les méthodes adéquates pour analyser des données qui ne sont pas propres à l'usage d'un acteur mais qui sont propres au dispositif. Nous proposons une méthode qualitative inspirée de la méthode sémiotique situationnelle développée par Alex Mucchielli (2005). Cette méthode qualitative nous permet de formaliser les pratiques prescrites par les trois sites web tout en conservant la complexité des phénomènes étudiés (Morin, 1990) et ainsi de ne pas réduire le sens à des explications trop réductrices. Pour limiter les interprétations liées à notre statut de chercheures impliquées, nous prenons appui sur une grille permettant de saisir les différentes significations qui surgissent pour l'acteur en situation, tout en découpant l'observation sur différents niveaux situationnels. Nous présenterons les analyses de Rue89, Mediapart et Agoravox pour enfin mettre en évidence les normes et valeurs partagées par les trois journaux en ligne, en veillant également à identifier leurs différences. Nous montrerons par exemple qu'Agoravox incite entre autre le lecteur à communiquer sur la communauté du site web, alors que Rue89 propose à ses contributeurs de disposer de visibilité en participant à certaines activités payantes. Cette communication vise finalement à éclairer le lecteur sur les processus normatifs engagés dans la construction d'une culture et d'une identité communes à tous les sites web de journalisme dit participatif.
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